Australia’s Political Underbelly II: Fascist Origins of the Liberal Party
by Mac Ghille Aindrais
Anglo parliamentary systems are a puppet show. The strings are held by central banks, which in turn are controlled by a cabal of private financiers. In times of crisis, these private financiers destabilise the parliamentary systems, and replace them either with parliaments that will bow to their interests, or even, as happened in much of Europe during the 1930s, with outright fascist regimes.
As discussed in an earlier article, Australia’s Political Underbelly: The Fabian Society outlined the communist philosophical basis of the Labor Party in Australia. This article is an extract from the The New Citizen April 2004 that describes the fascist fundamentals of the Liberal Party. Each party, communist or fascist, is used in the ebb and flow of public opinion over decades to strengthen central planning bureaucracy over your life for the benefit of the few.
“It is not acknowledged in standard history texts, but fascist military coups were prepared for Australia, too, in the early 1930s—at both the state and federal levels. The would-be perpetrators were Synarchists in the mould of Mussolini and Hitler, and their backers, as in Europe, were to be found in the upper echelons of the financial oligarchy. The history of the Synarchist assault on Australia in the 1930s cannot be ignored as a curiosity or relegated to a footnote, because the world, Australia included, is once again plunging into an economic depression—a systemic one, of the type in which the deployment of fascist mobs and police-state repression is the stock in trade of a desperate financial oligarchy. Moreover, not only is the 1930s assault on Australian society and our national identity in danger of being repeated, but the direct heirs of the 1930s perpetrators are alive and active to carry it out. It is impossible to grasp Australian Politics of the 21st Century, without knowing the never-repudiated roots of the Australian Liberal Party in the pro-fascist Synarchist movement of the 1930s.
Faced with the threat of the pro-sovereignty, pro-national banking tendencies of Labor in the 1930s, the British Crown and the City of London, with their allies among the ‘Anglo-Australian’ elites of Australia created mass fascist armies of storm troopers, capable of seizing power. The stormtrooper organisations were the Melbourne-based League of National Security, and the Old Guard and the New Guard, based in Sydney. Combined, these three groups comprised over 100,000 well-armed and highly organized militants. The best known of the three, though actually the least important, was the New Guard, led by Mussolini- and Hitler-worshipper Eric Campbell. The New Guard achieved notoriety on March 19,1932, when New Guardsman Col. Francis DeGroot jumped ahead of Premier Jack Lang to pre-empt him, with a sword, at the ribbon-cutting for the Sydney Harbour Bridge.
These armed fascist brigades were modeled explicitly on the blackshirts and brownshirts of Mussolini and Hitler. Both the armed brigades and their ‘citizen’ fronts, largely Masonic Lodges, were created, staffed and run at the highest levels, by the leading financial organisations in Australia, including the Bank of New South Wales, Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR), G.J.Coles and Myers, BHP, Collins House and many other banks, insurance companies, corporations, chambers of commerce and pastoral houses.
The depression crisis of 1930-1932 came to a head over the question of currency issues for the purpose of job creation, as advocated by Labor leaders, as against the financiers’ insistence on fiscal austerity for ‘fighting inflation’ and, above all, paying debts to the City of London. The most notorious spokesman for the Crown and the City of London, within the Anglo-Australian elite, was the rabid Anglophile Robert Menzies. Owned lock, stock and barrel by the financiers, Menzies insisted that the interest-gouging prerogatives of the financiers—which he termed ‘justice’ and ‘fair play’—must come first, even if it meant that people starved.
As contemporaries recorded, Menzies was an ardent pro-fascist, full of admiration for Hitler and Mussolini. Less well known, is the fact that he was also the front man for a Synarchist coup plot against British Prime Minister Winston Churchill. The plotters, one of whom was the notorious pro-Nazi press baron Lord Beaverbrook, planned to weaken Churchill, or even to oust him and replace him with the appeaser Menzies. In furtherance of this plot, Menzies spent an astonishing four months outside of Australia during 1941, even while he was Prime Minister! Imperialist though he himself was, Churchill had decided to fight Hitler, rather than have Britain subsumed within a German fascist world empire, while Menzies and his backers wanted to ‘make a deal’—one which would have led inexorably to Nazi world rule.
Today we face a similar challenge, from some of the same institutions and types of people. The Anglo-Australian financiers, who in the 1930s had sponsored the mass fascist citizens leagues and their armed detachments to crush Labor, went on to set up, the United Australia Party and the Institutes of Public Affairs (IPA), in 1942-43. It was the IPA, with Menzies at the fore, that in 1944 created the Liberal Party. In the mid-1970s, these same financiers, sometimes the very same companies and the sons or grandsons of those who had sponsored the fascist movements of the 1930s, backed the establishment in Australia of a new form of fascism in the form of fronts for the Mont Pelerin Society, favourite economic think tank of the Crown and the City of London, and a major promoter of fascist economics.
These think tanks consolidated their control over the Liberal Party and took over the Labor Party, in order to continue the fascism project of the 1930s, under the modern slogans of “free market” and “globalisation”. The most influential Mont Pelerin front groups are: the Melbourne IPA, the Sydney IPA renamed the Sydney Institute, the Centre for Independent Studies, the Tasman Institute/Tasman Economics/ACIL Tasman complex and the H.R.Nicholls Society.
They brought us privatisation, deregulation, competition policy, deadly slashes in health care, and the rest of the looting package known as economic rationalism and globalisation. The continuity from the Synarchists’ fascist projects of the 1930s through to the policies of Hawke/ Keating, Latham, Howard and Gillard today, emerges starkly from an examination of the economic program of the 1930s movements, as trumpeted by the Young Turk of the bunch, New Guard leader and self-proclaimed fascist Eric Campbell. Campbell’s goals were summarised by historian Keith Amos, in his book, The New Guard Movement 1931-1935. Indeed, just substitute ‘war against terrorism’ for the ‘fight against Communism’, in the following quotation from Campbell, to see that what we have today is a revival of the 1930s modus operandi:
‘Communist activities, more fatal to the future of Australia than the most deadly pestilence … must be stamped out ruthlessly and without mercy.’ Now, as then, a fraudulently claimed threat is being used to justify fascist measures, as reflected in the slew of recently passed state and federal ‘anti-terror’ laws—including one that authorises the Attorney General to ban any organisation he wants to. These are modeled directly upon those of Adolf Hitler, and they started well before 9/11.”
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